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  #21  
Old 12-21-2017
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We ourselves had seen a ship go down. We saw the Triumph torpedoed. We saw her shiver from stem to stern—and then go down in the sea. She was a triumph of man's handiwork, and man's handiwork had destroyed her. The sea was very calm, but submarines and mines lurk in still waters as well as rough—and out of the calm sea came the thing of death. From the moment she was struck till she turned turtle but fourteen minutes elapsed. A dozen launches and torpedo boats rushed to rescue the crew, and all were saved except about forty. And we who saw it all from the trenches looked on at it stupefied. With a mighty lurch—as it were a giant in the agonies of death—the Triumph heeled over and was gone.
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Old 12-21-2017
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CHAPTER IX
STORIES THAT WILL NEVER DIE


"CANARIES"—THE SAVING GRACE—THE LOST HORSE BRIGADE—A FORGOTTEN COUNTER-SIGN—"LET'S AT 'EM"—POLITE TURK AND SULKY GERMAN—MURPHY'S MULES—MURPHY AT THE GATE

Life in the trenches became quite bearable—after a time. But it took time. At first when a bullet skimmed the parapet and went whistling overhead we ducked instinctively. But the experienced infantry laughed, and said, "They're only 'canaries'." Again, when the shrapnel came hurtling aloft and burst with an ugly roar, we crouched and waited for death; but the old hands explained that if we could hear it burst we were pretty safe. It was the shells we couldn't hear that we ought to dodge. We understood that epigrammatic utterance better later on.

But one thing is absolutely essential for a philosophic enjoyment of trench life—and that is a sense of humour. Failing that, most of the soldiers would in the end go stark, staring mad. It is this saving grace which makes our Australians such a wonderful fighting force. They go laughing into the firing-line. They come laughing out again. They laugh as they load and fire. Nearly every wounded man I've seen laughs. A staff officer said the other day: "It's only when they're killed that these Australians cease laughing."

Our three Australian Light Horse brigades have now been in the trenches for some time. "We came to Egypt as horsemen," said a Hunter River man; "then we did foot-slogging at Cairo and Alexandria, and now we're living in caves and tunnels, like rabbits or troglodytes."

Since the days of Darwin quite a lot has been written about evolution. But we never thought of evolution in connexion with our Light Horse Brigade. We soon found that we couldn't escape the process any more than the rest of the universe.
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Old 12-21-2017
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One would have thought that as new and awful weapons of destruction were evolved, battles would become short, sharp, and decisive. Instead of that, they are toilsome, long-drawn-out, and indecisive. I cannot say why. The elucidation of the problem I leave to the "experts." All I am concerned with is the story of how the 2nd Light Horse Brigade became the Lost Horse Brigade. Australia sent four Light Horse brigades to uphold the honour of the Commonwealth; first, Colonel Chauvel; second, Colonel Ryrie; third, Colonel Hughes; fourth, Colonel Brown. At first we thought we were going to be armed with swords as well as rifles. When first mounted, despite our sombre khaki, we felt as proud as Life Guardsmen. And we saw visions and dreamed dreams, and pictured the Australian Light Horse on the left wing of the Empire army driving the Huns in confusion over the Rhine and back to Berlin.

Hope on, hope ever. All we have done so far is, by process of devolution, to change from prospective cavalry to mounted infantry, to foot-sloggers, to pick and shovel artists, and finally to troglodytes. The pen is mightier than the sword—but so is the spade.
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The Great War Ep 16 Right is more precious than peace
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THE HORSE IN AMERICA



Original lithograph published by Currier & Ives.

FLORA TEMPLE

This remarkable mare was the first trotter to go a mile better than 2.20. For more than six years she was called “Queen of the Trotting Turf.” Nothing is known as to her breeding, but from 1853 to 1859 she beat all the good horses in the country. She was a light bay, 14⅛ hands in height, and weighed 835 pounds when in training.


The Horse
IN AMERICA
A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE VARIOUS TYPES COMMON IN THE UNITED STATES, WITH SOMETHING OF THEIR HISTORY AND VARYING CHARACTERISTICS



BY

JOHN GILMER SPEED





Illustrated

NEW YORK

McCLURE, PHILLIPS & CO.

MCMV



Copyright, 1905, by

McCLURE, PHILLIPS & CO.

Published, October, 1905



THIS BOOK

THE AUTHOR DEDICATES TO HIS FRIEND

COLONEL CLARENCE R. EDWARDS, U.S.A.

WHOSE INHERITED LOVE FOR HORSES HAS

BEEN CULTIVATED BY STUDY AND

STRENGTHENED BY PRACTICE




CONTENTS




INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER ONE PREHISTORIC AND EARLY HORSES

CHAPTER TWO ARAB AND BARB HORSES

CHAPTER THREE THE THOROUGHBRED IN AMERICA

CHAPTER FOUR THE MORGAN HORSE

CHAPTER FIVE MESSENGER AND THE EARLY TROTTERS

CHAPTER SIX RYSDYK’S HAMBLETONIAN AND THE STANDARD BRED TROTTERS

CHAPTER SEVEN THE CLAY AND CLAY-ARABIAN

CHAPTER EIGHT THE DENMARK, OR KENTUCKY SADDLE-HORSE

CHAPTER NINE THE GOVERNMENT AS A BREEDER

CHAPTER TEN FOREIGN HORSES OF VARIOUS KINDS

CHAPTER ELEVEN THE BREEDING OF MULES

CHAPTER TWELVE HOW TO BUY A HORSE

CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE STABLE AND ITS MANAGEMENT

CHAPTER FOURTEEN RIDING AND DRIVING

CHAPTER FIFTEEN TRAINING VS. BREAKING

CHAPTER SIXTEEN CONFORMATION AND ACTION
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  #26  
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YEMEN WAR OF GREED AND POWER

Background[edit]

Further information: Economy of Yemen

On July 30, 2014, the Yemeni government announced an increase in fuel prices as part of reforms to subsidy programs, which aimed at unlocking foreign funding and easing pressure on the budget. The lifting of subsidies came after pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which conditioned its continued financial assistance on these reforms.[22] The government raised the price of regular gasoline to 200 Yemeni riyals per liter (93 US cents) from 125 riyals (58 US cents). The price of diesel used for public transport and trucks rose to 195 riyals per liter (91 US cents) from 100 riyals (46 US cents).[23]

Yemen had among the highest level of energy subsidies in the region. Given its low per capita income and staggering fiscal deficit, the country could not afford to subsidize energy especially since the elite got the most benefit from subsidized prices, not the poor.[24] Fuel subsidies were benefiting powerful political allies of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who were smuggling subsidized oil to neighboring markets where they would reap huge profits.[25] In 2013, fuel subsidies cost the Yemeni government $3 billion, roughly 20 percent of state expenditure, according to a Finance Ministry statement carried by Yemen's official news agency.[23]

All the same, fuel subsidies were among the few widely available social goods in Yemen. They kept down the cost of transport, water, and food, while supporting local industry.[26] The cash-strapped Yemeni government had been negotiating with the International Monetary Fund for more than a year to secure a loan as a way to access much needed financing. The loan program would require the removal of these subsidies, but the IMF recommended gradual price adjustments and an information and communication campaign to prepare the public. Neither of these were done.[24] The IMF and other international donors also emphasized the need to expand the social safety net and cash transfer payments to those who would be most affected by the price increases. The United States and other donors had even increased their contributions to the Social Welfare Fund in the summer of 2014 in anticipation of subsidy removal. The Yemeni government ignored the advice.[24]

The transitional government, brokered by the Gulf Cooperation Council, established in November 2011, was split equally between Saleh's General People's Congress Party and conservative Sunni Al-Islah Party, Yemen's main Islamist party that was a key presence in the regime that protesters tried to overthrow in 2011.[27][28][29] The new government left out the Houthis.[9]

Instead of reshaping the political order to bring in new political voices, address corruption, and introduce responsive and accountable governance, partisan interests largely paralyzed the transitional government led by Mohammed Basindawa, perpetuating the elite dominated politics of Sana'a and its tribal allies. The Yemeni government lacked any coordinated economic planning, with key ministers hailing from competing political parties lacking any incentive to work toward a unifying vision for the country.[24]

The decision to lift fuel subsidies gave the Houthi movement, with its own axe to grind, the populist issue they needed to enter Sana'a and seize power.[30] They managed to capitalize on palpable frustration among diverse segments of the population and fears of an al-Islah dominated government.[24]
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28 Apr 2018




























more on Middle East

Saudi military says its forces arrive on Yemen's Socotra island

today


Iran nuclear deal: Iranians worry about impact of US sanctions

today


Hamas: Ismail Haniya visits Egypt ahead of US embassy move

today


Turkey targets French studies due to Quran row and reciprocity

today



An air strike on Yemen's capital by a Saudi-led military coalition has killed dozens of Houthi rebels including two commanders, according to a Saudi TV station.

Saudi state-owned news channel Al Ekhbariya said on Saturday that more than 50 rebels were killed in an overnight attack on a Houthi interior ministry building on Friday, including two high-ranking rebels.

A police building adjacent to the Houthi-controlled ministry was also struck..The Houthis confirmed an air raid on Sanaa but gave no details.

On Saturday, Houthis staged a large-scale funeral for the two commanders in Sanaa, in a display of military strength.

Six pick-up trucks bearing the bodies of the leaders, and other Houthis killed in the attack, were escorted by soldiers in dress uniform towards a square where a crowd of thousands awaited.

In a separate development on Saturday, Saudi air defences reportedly intercepted four missiles fired by Houthi rebels at Saudi's southern Jazan province near the border with Yemen.

The rebels launched eight ballistic missiles towards Jazan, aimed at "economic and vital targets", the Houthi-run state news agency Saba reported.

Colonel Yahya Abdullah Al-Qahtani, a spokesperson for Jazan's Civil Defence Directorate, said shrapnel from the projectile resulted in the death of a Saudi national.

The war in Yemen has entered its fourth year.

Houthi rebels and the Yemeni government have battled on and off since 2004, but much of the fighting was confined to the impoverished northern Saada province, a Houthi stronghold.

In September 2014, the Houthis took control of Sanaa and proceeded to push southwards towards the country's second-biggest city, Aden.

In response to the Houthi advances, a coalition of Arab states led by Saudi Arabia launched a military campaign in 2015 to defeat the Houthis and restore Yemen's government.

The campaign by the coalition against the Houthis has seen more than 16,000 air raids launched across the country since March 26, 2015.

The attacks have devastated Yemen, one of the poorest countries in the Middle East.

A third of air raids have targeted non-military sites, with at least 1,400 such attacks targeting residential areas.

More than 10,000 people have been killed. With at least 1,600 schools damaged or destroyed in the attacks, more than four million Yemeni children have been unable to attend school.

Yemen now stands at the brink of famine. The Saudi-led coalition imposed a total blockade on Yemen's ports in November in retaliation for cross-border Houthi missile attacks on Saudi Arabia.

The blockade has since been partially lifted, but access to the impoverished country remains limited.


SOURCE: Al Jazeera and news agencies
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Our boys, our fighters, were trained in these mountains, so they are sons of this area’


Image Credit: AP

Major General Nasser Ali Al Daibany shows journalists a deactivated mine on the outskirts of Sana’a.

Published: 15:14 February 4, 2018 Gulf News
AP






















ON THE OUTSKIRTS OF SANA’A: In the rocky highlands outside of Yemen’s rebel-held capital, soldiers and fighters loyal to Yemen’s internationally recognised government describe having a tantalising view on a clear day of Sana’a’s international airport from the moonscape mountains. The price is incoming fire on the exposed hillside from the Iran-allied Al Houthi militia. “In mountainous areas like this it’s difficult. The American Army struggled with that in Afghanistan,” Yemeni Major General Nasser Ali Al Daibany told AP reporters who were granted access to the front lines on a tour organised by the Saudi-led coalition. “But for us this won’t slow us down ... because our boys, our fighters, were trained in these mountains, so they are the sons of this area.”

Yemen has seen decades of conflict, first with the 1960s civil war that ended North Yemen’s monarchy. Fighting between Marxist South Yemen and the north followed. Yemen unified in 1990, but resentment persisted under 22 years of kleptocratic rule by Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Yemen’s 2011 Arab Spring protests ultimately forced Saleh to resign, but he continued to wield power behind the scenes and maintained the loyalty of many armed forces commanders. In 2014 he formed an alliance with Al Houthis — who he had gone to war with in the past — and helped them capture the capital, Sana’a.

The Saudi-led coalition entered the conflict the following year to uphold the legitimacy of the internationally recognised government of President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi. Riyadh views Al Houthis as an Iranian proxy, and both Saudi Arabia and the United States say Tehran has provided the long-range missiles the militants have fired into the kingdom. In Marib, a province bordering Saudi Arabia, nearly every man and some boys have Kalashnikov assault rifles slung over their shoulders, making it difficult to tell civilians from combatants at first glance. Many drivers don’t bother with licence plates.

AP reporters were taken to a peak 48km from Sana’a International Airport, just inside Sana’a province.




Here in the mountains, militiamen and soldiers point to crevices and man-made caves used by militia fighters before they were driven back two months ago. They say they retook the area, called ‘Sniper’s Mountain’,. Spent mortar rounds and bullet casings litter the ground. The corpse of an Al Houthi militiaman rotted nearby.

Apache attack helicopters could help, the soldiers said. Al Daibany, the general, said authorities have a plan to slowly squeeze Sana’a while trying to allow civilians free passage from the capital.

But for now, the war continues. Colonel Yahya Al Hatimi, who has lost three brothers to the fighting, gestured to his village, across the front lines and visible from the mountain top. His family still lives in the area, something that caused him to pause for a moment, overcome by emotion.

“I miss my life. I’m missing my life and my family,” he said. “But we are promising here that I am arriving” soon.
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“I miss my life. I’m missing my life and my family,” he said. “But we are promising here that I am arriving” soon.
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